ests are not the same. We have northern and
southern counties which do not appreciate the
institution of slavery alike. He did not mean to
say that there is any disaffection in Maryland on
this subject. But we cannot disguise the truth.
The fact is, that we of the south have a very deep
concern for this species of labor, and that other
counties have not the same degree of interest.
We do not know how soon it may become the in-
terest of that section to interfere with the insti-
tution, and we shall then have the problem solv-
ed whether a political community having the
power to promote their own interest will hesitate
long to do it. Mr. T. was proceeding further in
his remarks, when he was interrupted by
Mr. SCHLEY, who suggested that the gentleman
from Prince George's, would find on page 474 of
the Constitutions, another State recognizing fed-
eral numbers.
Mr TUCK resumed. For the first time in Ma-
ryland, (to which the gentleman alluded,) feder-
al numbers had been recognized in our Constitu-
tion of 1836, but it was a compromise based on
federal numbers and territory—two members for
territory and the rest for numbers on a given
ratio. He would go for territory and population
now. But since the year 1836, a wide spread
fanaticism had careered through this land, sow-
ing the seeds of discord and strife. Was it at
such a time when the entire south as with one
voice is asserting its rights, that the State of Ma-
ryland is to falter in duty to herself. May we
not appeal to this Convention against giving a
practical denial to their resolutions of December
last upon the subject of the compromise mea-
sures of Congress ? We have there declared that
slave properly is within the pale and protection
of the laws of the country. Shall we by our
action now show that the slaves in Maryland are
less the objects of protection than those of other
States? He would not imagine any reason
for this measure being presented. He was sure
it was a good one. Yet he could not but observe
the fact that it comes from a section of the State
where this institution is not cherished as of pecu-
liar importance—and the time may come when
the origin of the amendment will be deemed as
furnishing significance of its object and purpose.
We of the south feel keenly on this subject.
We are oppressed with taxes for the benefit of
others. The public debt was incurred for the
improvement of the upper counties. Of our pro-
perty a large proportion is slaves assessed, at a
high valuation, on which we pay our Slate tax.
By the rule of federal numbers, under the Con-
stitution of the United States, the direct .taxes
as well as representation are apportioned on that
scale. Yet we are to have federal numbers for
representation, and whole numbers when required
to contribute in respect of our slaves for the sup-
port of government, and that too for the benefit
of that very section from which this unkind blow
comes. If we are to have federal numbers, let
us have the rule in all its parts—let our slaves be
exempt from taxation to the extent of the two-
fifths not recognised in the basis of representa-
tion.' |
Mr, TUCK would say further, that he could not
understand the operation of the ratio as to the
fractions. Why does the gentleman take three-
fourths instead of one half as the fractional ratio ?
As the members had not had time, lo examine the
proposition, he would ask his friend from Wash-
ington to explain his plan, and let us know how
the fraction would result. Mr. TUCK was not
prepared for the discussion at this time, but he
could not let the occasion pass without protesting
against the injustice and wrong that would be in-
flicted on his section of the State, if this rule
should prevail.
Mr. PRESSTMAN addressed the Convention. His
remarks will be published hereafter.
Mr. MERRICK would remark in reply to the
views expressed by the member from Prince
George's, that nothing seemed lo be settled here.
It had been resolved by a very large majority
that they would not regard federal numbers. It
was now proposed to change that. He would call
attention to the late census of Maryland, from
which it appeared that in the State there are
seventy-three thousand, six hundred and twenty-
two free negroes. By federal numbers, every
free negro would be equal to the President or any
member of the Convention.
in Maryland there are also ninety thousand
three hundred and fifty-six slaves; but these were
excluded. The free negro was made equal to
the worthiest citizen, and another portion of the
population was excluded, though much more
worthy, useful and respectable than the free negroes.
In the city of Baltimore, where there
were twenty thousand free negroes, they were to
be counted in the apportionment. But in the
southern portion of the State, where there were
five to ten thousand slaves in every county, they
were to he excluded. He wished merely to call
attention to this fact.
Mr, SCHLEY did not intend to make a speech
with regard to federal numbers. It was enough
for him that the State of Maryland itself, recog-
nised federal numbers.
He did not intend to embark in any contro-
versy upon the subject of slavery, with the gen-
tleman from Prince George's, (Mr. Tuck,) by
attempting a reply to his main argument. He
had only to appeal to earlier votes recorded in
the proceedings of this Convention, to prove that
the county represented here in part by himself,
was as orthodox upon the subject of slavery, as
the counties of Prince George's or Anne Arun-
del.
He had arisen for the purpose of answering the
question of the effect of the fraction selected in
the proposition. The fraction must necessarily
have been arbitrary, for there was no reason
why three-fourths should be selected, more than
one-half or one-fourth. Mr. S. then designated
which would gain.
Mr. DORSEY said, that the Constitution of Ma-
ryland as it now exists did not authorise the adop-
tion of federal numbers, it was only after the
year 1776 that it recognised this principle. He
was opposed to that basis for this reason. Ac-
cording to the proposition of the gentleman from
Charles, every free negro would be made equal to |
