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Proceedings and Debates of the 1850 Constitutional Convention
Volume 101, Volume 2, Debates 26   View pdf image
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26
the Convention was concerned, into their original
rights as freemen, fresh from the hands of their
Creator, and unfettered by laws or constitutions,
to make a bargain, a compact, a government, a
constitution under which these freemen should
agree to live together in harmony and fellowship,
and to secure and protect the rights and interests
of all; to guard from harm the weak; to protect
the strong when the strong needed protection; to
give equal justice and secure equal rights to all.
His friend from Baltimore city, (Mr, Presst-
man,) had kindly said that he, (Mr. M.,) was
entitled to have weight, and would command it
here and elsewhere. That gentleman wan mis-
taken. He had little weight and desired to have
but little weight here or elsewhere. The day
had gone by when the idea of fame, power and
glory could dance before his vision with any
charms for him. The time was, [said he,] when,
like other men, in the hey-day of my blood, I
could be delighted and pleased, and could feed
my fancy on such hopes. That day has passed.
I desire—I look for nothing of the sort.
He had been anxious to enter upon the discus-
sion, but knowing that the ears of a large majori-
ty of those to whom he addressed himself were
sealed to any thing he could say, he would not
obtrude himself upon them. Why should he do
so when he was certain that nothing could be effected
?
Do you not know, continued Mr M., that that
plan is determined against—is condemned un-
heard? Knowing that, why should I vote for it?
I might make it appear before the eyes of those
beyond the circumference of this ball, that it is
wise—that it would be greatly beneficial in its
results—that it would promote the happiness
and welfare of the people. What should I ac-
complish? Nothing but a reputation for myself,
which I value not, and on the other hand, the
reproach of those who would vote against me.
I would not do it—I would not attempt it. But
I should not attempt to accomplish any good
scheme, capable of being worked out. I should
accomplish nothing but evil, if carried my plan
into execution. I cannot get the scheme ac-
complished, I cannot get even the minority to
vote fur it—for the gentlemen who claim to be
the exclusive reformers, have gone for other
measures. The gentlemen on the other side are
adhering to their old hobby, and go for that, or
something very near it. Who is in favor of this
scheme? I, alone, and my friend from Balti-
more city, [Mr. P.,] stands in the last ditch.—
Now, sir, how hopeless, how foolish it would
be for me to weary the Convention with an ar-
gument to show the scheme, which we all know
was condemned. I cannot do it. I will not do
it. Whatever may have been the patience attention
with which the Convention has heard
me, I feel a deep weight of obligation resting
upon me, for giving me their kind attention and
notice. Certainly after having done so, I should
not be reciprocating their kindness by boring
them with a speech on this, or any other sub-
ject. The scheme is before you—it speaks for
itself. It has riot been hid under a bushel, as
my friend from Baltimore city suggested, it
was laid before you early in the session, it was
brought out early in December, in order that
that gentleman and others might examine it—to
see it in all its bearings. I supposed that they
bad done so. I cannot discuss it. I certainly
cannot discuss it now. Perhaps hereafter I may
participate in the discussion which should take
place in the further progress of this debate. Hut
now that the immolation of this measure is de-
termined upon, I care not to say any thing fur-
ther on the subject. I have no pride—I have as
little interest, or feeling in the matter, as any
man here, except what it merits in itself; and I
would as soon vote for it, if it came from any
other man. But, it stands in a peculiar position;
being really a compromise measure, and until
gentlemen on the extremes of both sides have
the weight—the strength to cease waring against
each other, and induce the gentleman from Bal-
timore city to surrender his views, there is no
hope, and I shall leave the subject where it is.
Mr. BROWN said:
He did not intend to say much in reply to the
gentleman's remarks. A great deal had been
said in the course of this debate about federal
numbers and representation according to popu-
lation, taking white as the basis. Now, he had
been willing to take either as a general principle.
and let it run all the way through.
What, he asked, was the general principle, as
proposed to be adopted bygentlemen? Why,
they lay down the ratio till it exhausts the popu-
lation of the counties, and then they raise it three
or four hundred per cent., and still they contend,
all round that it is representation according to
population. But he did not so understand it. A
fixed principle of representation should be found
lying at the bottom of a free government, and
the only principle was that to which he had just
alluded. It would be found to be the basis of
every free government.
Another view of the matter: Gentlemen seem-
ed very much alarmed about the slave popula-
tion—why, each county got a Senator, and any
bill passed by the House of Delegates touching
that subject, or any other, was sent to the Sen-
ate, where it could be negatived, if that body
saw proper. Where, then, he would inquire,
was there cause for alarm ? There was none.
He was apprehensive that there would not be
any basis presented here—any thing that looked
to the adoption of a general principle. His sin-
cere belief was, that there was bat one princi-
ple, and that was—representation according to
population; but he feared that could not be ob-
tained, as a majority would not be found voting
for it, and therefore he was for compromise.
Mr. B. said he could but express his suprise
when he heard gentleman from the small coun-
ties complain, that those from the large counties
were unwilling to offer a liberal compromise.
Now what is the compromise tendered. Each
county and the city of Baltimore to have one
Senator. This is What he, (Mr. Brown,) called
the Lion's share. It gave to the small counties
complete control of the Senate, and surely that


 
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Proceedings and Debates of the 1850 Constitutional Convention
Volume 101, Volume 2, Debates 26   View pdf image
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