The wise and good men who had framed the I
Constitution and government in 1776, had taken
instruction from experience. The idea of representation
according to population, had never ob-
tained at any period in our past history; never. Yet
the government of Maryland would compare
with that of any State in the Union, when tested
by the best of all rules—the rule that the "tree is
to be judged by its fruit." No people had ever
lived in greater security, or more perfect protection
of all that a citizen could claim, nor had the
sun ever shone upon a people who enjoyed more
fully and certainly the rights of person and pro-
perity and reputation, than the people of Mary-
land. In short no government had ever accom-
plished the great purposes of its institution more
thoroughly and effectually, than this had. All
this had been our experience during the long
period of our existence, with a representation
altogether territorial, during most of that period,
and until now chiefly territorial. Of late, it had
become a matter of speculation, for politicians
to cultivate a taste for change, to hold up the idea
of a perfect equality, absolute and unqualified, of
every individual. He sincerely believed that a
more difficulty or laborious task had never been
undertaken by professional politicians, than that
of persuading the satisfied and well—contented
citizens of the State, that they were in condition
of suffering, very much worse than they had any
conception of—that they were in fact, in a slate
of oppression and depression—in a state of
political degradation and humiliation, although
entirely unconscious of it; and that the govern-
ment had failed to accomplish the objects for
which it was established, and the promises it had
guarantied, though all the while they had sup-
posed quite the reverse. In short, that while
they had felt and acted as freemen, enjoying the
largest liberty, they were in fact many of them
in acondition of political slavery.
It had been adifficult task to induce such a
belief. It was natural to expect such difficulty,
It would scarcely be expected, that when a sane
man felt and acted, as if in the full and perfect
enjoyment of his personal freedom, he would be
easily persuaded by argument and general principles,
that his person was incarcerated, and his
limbs fettered with chains. But drops will in
time wear into the stone. The cry of reform
was re-echoed through the State; it was the pan-
acea for all our woes. In 1836, the work of re-
form was to be completed. Those who had
so loudly demanded reform—(ecce signum, said
Mr. C., pointing to Mr. BROWN, of Carroll) were
put to the lead. The lion—this population representation
—was rampant. He would not say it
"roared," because the expression might be mis-
applied—but it had roamed throughout the State
claiming his just share of the spoils—his necessary
quantum of food. Well, preparation was
made, and the arrangements, expressly looking
to a representation to be determined by the census
of 1850 and that of 1860, were supposed a
least abundant for a breakfast and a dinner. But
how has it proved? Why exactly as it might have
been expected, just as it always will happen |
when the attempt is made to make a lion cease
to be fierce by giving him blood. The breakfast
now is scarcely fairly over, and the whole pre-
paration is demolished, and we are now called
upon for an infinitely increased supply from our
stores, to gratify his demands and satiate his ap-
petite. Yes, and the cry is "more," "more,"
and will still he "more," while we have any-
thing to devour. This is not all. We are, in
addition to these further demands, now reproach-
ed with a want of liberality for not contributing
a larger supply for "spoils." And now, while
he had the gentleman from Carroll in his eye, he
would notice his remark the other day. He said
to us, "have not these men the Senate?" "Is
there not an equal representation in the Senate?"
Yes ! all true—there was an equal representation
in the Senate, but was that any part of the con-
sideration for the compromise of 1836. By no
means. Prior to that time, every part of the
State had an equal claim to representation in the
Senate Each of the counties elected two elec-
tors to constitute a college of electors, by which
the Senate of fifteen members, was selected from
any part of the State. Nothing was farther from
the fact than the idea of the present organization
of the Senate, being a boon granted by the larger
counties, or by the Western to the Eastern
Shore. No mistake could be greater. All the
surrender on that occasion was made, as it asked
to be now, by the Eastern Shore and the small
counties, to the city of Baltimore and the large
counties. The current is still to run in the same
direction. We must now make a further surren-
der, and how are we to be paid? Why, by al-
lowing us to retain a part of what was not taken
from us in 1836. The flock had been divided,
and our portion assigned: Well, now we are to
be compelled to make another division; and of
what are we told the division must be made? Of
the whole flock? No sir! No. Of the portion
left to us by the former division—nothing else.
Our sheep are to be counted out—none others—
and a re-division of these only made. We may,
perhaps, have a few little lambs left us, but
scarcely enough to prepare another meal for this
insatiate lion—strengthened as he is, by every
acquisition of fresh "spoils."
Whoever would look at the history of the
compromise of 1836, would find that promises
were made, pledges given by those who called
themselves "reformers" in the Legislature, that
the order of then established was, to remain till
after the next census of 1860. Aye! it was to
be permanent. And what do we find, is perma-
nence? Why here in 1850 this permanent ar-
rangement is at an end, and the cry of "reform"
is as loud and long as ever, and the pursuit after
the spoils of office as ardent He did not admit
the sufficiency of the Senate to protect the inter-
ests of the small counties; past experience justified
him saying this. The Senate could not with-
stand the popular pressure in 1836. The increase
of power, by the arrangement of that time had
strengthened the aggressive power of the other
branch. The Senate yielded in 1849 and brought
about this Convention. How then with a large |
