am sure no member of the Convention will feel
more gratified at the correction than himself.
Mr. STEWART, of Caroline. It was not my in-
tention to go into a discussion as to our having
badly treated the Indians. What I said was only
by way of illustration. I said that while we pro-
claimed that all men were burn free and equal,
our ancestors had not so treated the aborigines
who were dispossessed of their lands, and were
not permitted to participate in the government.
Mr. BLAKISTONE. Well, sir, we will go on and
try to do a little more justice to our Pilgrim
Fathers. Not only did they land and buy the
property of the aborignes, paying a fair equiva-
lent for their possessions, but they went a great
deal farther. They established upon the West-
ern coast of North America the first principles of
religious liberty; and when you and I and all of
us, and when our Constitution and our State—
when our country, perhaps, shall have changed
its system and form of Government, there will be
a monument, aye, reaching to Heaven, in honor
of those people, that time cannot efface, and
which will survive till all things temporal shall
be swallowed up in an ocean of eternity. Now,
sir, I will quote again from the same authority,
page 197:
"In an age, when perfidy and barbarity but
too often marked the advances of civilization upon
the savage, it exhibits them to us, displaying in
their intercourse with the natives, all the kind-
nesses of human nature, and the charities of their
religion, thus characterizing this colony, as one
established under the purest principles, and by
the noblest feelings which can animate the hu-
man heart; it presents to us in its after history,
a people true to the principles of their origin.
At a period when religious bigotry and intoler-
ance seemed to be the badges of every Christian
sect; and those who dwelt under their oppres-
sions, instead of learning tolerance by their ex-
perience, had but imbibed the spirit of their
oppressors; and when the howlings of religious
persecutions were heard every where around
them, the Catholic and Protestant of Maryland
were seen mingling in harmony, in the discharge
of all their public and private duties, under a free
government, which assured the rights of con-
science to all."
Sir, I will now read from page 178:
"The landing of the pilgrims of New England,
has been the burden of many a story, and the
theme of many any oration. The very rock on
which their feet were first planted, is consecra-
ted in the estimation of their descendants; and its
relics are enshrined as objects of holy regard.
They were freemen in search of freedom. They
found it, and transmitted it to their posterity, it
becomes us, therefore, to tread lightly upon their
ashes. Yet, whilst we would avoid all invidi-
ous contrasts, and forget the stern spirit of the
Puritan, which so frequently mistook religious
intolerance for holy zeal; we can turn with exul-
tation to the Pilgrims of Maryland, as the foun-
ders of religious liberty in the new world. They
erected the first altar to it on this continent; and
the fires first kindled on it ascended to heaven, |
amid the blessings of the savage. Should the
memory of such a people pass away from their
descendants as an idle dream?"
Sir, I have no more to say on that subject.
Now, I propose to enter immediately, with these
preliminary remarks, into the discussion of the
question before us. I listened to my friend from
Caroline, [Mr. Stewart,] yesterday, and my two
friends from Baltimore city, [Messrs. Brent and
Gwinn,] and my friend from Charles, [Mr. Merrick,]
as I always do, with great pleasure; but
none of those gentlemen, it seemed to me, enter-
tained an opinion as to the plan that should be
adopted. There was one remark made yester-
day by the gentleman from Baltimore city, [Mr.
rent,] which struck me with a great deal of
force. He said he did not care so much about
the number—it was not that for which he wished
to contend, but it was a principle which would
run through the Constitution, not to adopt the
principle of representation according to popula-
tion in the counties as a starting point, and then
suddenly stop short. It struck me that there
was a great deal of reason in the remark. But,
I confess, I cannot go quite so far as the gentle-
man who said that we ought to have representa-
tion according to population. Before a Constitution
was formed, when our people were in pre-
paration to throw off the yoke of Great Britain
and about to establish an independent government
for themselves, you will find that although the dif-
ferent counties of Maryland were not what we
would call political sovereignties, but yet, in fact,
in every instance of treating with each other,
they were treated as separate and independent
sovereignties, to the same extent that the States
of this Union treated with each other under the
old confederation. Now, sir, does it need any
historical facts to prove that? I do not want to
read it; but perhaps it will be better I should do
so. You will find that the first act of the Conven-
tion in 1774, was in these words:
" It being moved from the Chair to ascertain
the manner of dividing upon questions, it was
agreed, that on any division, each county have
one vote, and that all questions be determined
by a majority of counties." [See journal of
Con. 1774-5-6.]
Thus, it will be perceived, that in the very in-
cipient stage of their proceedings, the principle
was adopted of equality among the counties.
Yon will find further, that in the progress of
business, when it became necessary to raise
money, they had to adopt a certain course? And
what course did they pursue? They recommended
each county to furnish a certain amount, con-
sisting of so many pounds, shillings and pence,
for the purpose of defraying the expenses of the
whole colonies. Were they not exactly treating
with each other as independent sovereignties to
the very identical extent that the States and the
general government treated with each other, as
separate and independent colonies, pursuing the
same course, when they recommended the States
to furnish so much money for the general use?
Sir, I am not going to contend that they were
actual political sovereignties; but I mean to con-
tend that they treated with each other as such |
